In the wake of George Floyd’s death, meaningful discussion about police reforms should be based on actual evidence of what does and does not work. We must first acknowledge the impossibility of expecting police both to reduce crime through law enforcement and to provide social services totally outside the purview of their training. One obvious example of the latter is asking police to tackle mental health emergencies such as domestic violence (DV) and unstable behaviors of individuals with serious mental illness. These unreasonable expectations contribute to the very high rates of PTSD observed among police officers. And, given that the presence of police (whether or not they are brandishing guns) undoubtedly increases the anxiety of both DV offenders and victims, it should not be surprising that domestic violence calls are among the most dangerous for police officers themselves.
We must then assess the impact of police interventions on both victims of domestic violence and individuals with mental illness. In one study of first-time DV offenders, a more stringent response by police was associated both with an increased likelihood of ensuing physical violence and a decreased willingness among victims to subsequently call the police[1]. Other research has noted the large number of avoidable killings by police of individuals with serious mental illness[2] and has questioned whether training programs designed to mitigate these violent interactions are even remotely effective[3].
Just as problematic are the negative outcomes associated with racial bias resulting from police intercession in these mental health crises. In one study of misdemeanor domestic violence incidents[4], Milwaukee Police were randomly assigned either to arrest and jail DV offenders or simply to warn them. In the 23-year follow-up of this study, initial arrest increased the subsequent risk of death of African-American victims by 98% while only by 9% among White victims. In other words, harsh treatment of DV offenders by the police is particularly dangerous for African-American victims.
In another study of civilian deaths by police[5], increased fatalities were found both among African-Americans and individuals with serious mental illness even though most of those with mental illness were killed at home and did not have firearms. It is not a strong leap to assume that better outcomes could be achieved by mental health professionals than by police officers whose training necessarily is more limited in dealing with these situations.
Finally, it is important to recognize that these tragic outcomes cannot be solely blamed on racial bias among the police. In a sobering study of implicit bias, public support was found to be significantly greater for the use of police force against Black suspects with mental illness than for White suspects with mental illness[6]. Therefore, we must all accept responsibility for the potential escalation of violence associated with the very presence of police when dealing with mental health crises.
In conclusion, for the benefit of people of color, victims of domestic violence, individuals with mental illness, and police officers themselves, it is crucial and long overdue to divert resources and responsibility for dealing with mental health crises from the police to trained mental health professionals.
[1] Small, D. S., Sorenson, S. B., & Berk, R. A. (2019). After the gun: Examining police visits and intimate partner violence following incidents involving a firearm. Journal of Behavioral Medicine, 42, 591-602. [2] Appelbaum, P. S. (2015). Can the Americans with Disabilities Act reduce the death toll from police encounters with persons with mental illness? Psychiatric Services, 66, 1012-1014. [3] Krammedine, Y. I., & Silverstone, P. H. (2015). How to improve interactions between police and the mentally ill. Frontiers in Psychiatry, 5, Article 186. [4] Sherman, L. W., & Harris, H. M. (2015). Increased death rates of domestic violence victims from arresting vs. warning suspects in the Milwaukee Domestic Violence Experiment (MilDVE). Journal of Experimental Criminology, 11, 1-20. [5] Saleh, A. Z., Appelbaum, P. S., Liu, X., Stroup, T. S., & Wall, M. (2018). Deaths of people with mental illness during interactions with law enforcement. International Journal of Law and Psychiatry, 58, 110-116. [6] Kahn, K. B., Thompson, M., & McMahon, J. M. (2017). Privileged protection? Effects of suspect race and mental illness status on public perceptions of police use of force. Journal of Experimental Criminology, 13, 171-191.
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